Summary
The article discusses what Polish nationalism is, what
its basic theses are and what it should be like so as not to pose a threat to
democracy. The author presents the issue of Polish nationalism as it is - but
certainly not in terms of stereotypes, understatements or predetermined
pejorative undertones. The least amount of space has been devoted to the issue
of radical nationalism, but this is because it is practically marginal in
Polish social and political life and has virtually no support in society. Argument
was fundamentally based on what nationalism is and what it should be, to
harmonize with the issue of democracy in the 21st century, and not to oppose
it.
Key words
nationalism, nationalist, democracy, anti-globalism, cosmopolitanism
Introduction
Is nationalism bad? Often associated (which is a great
mistake) with the criminal ideologies of the 20th century, i.e. Hitler's Third
Reich (nazism) and B. Mussolini's Italy (fascism). Both German and Italian
nationalism were impure nationalism, even its distortion, a great pathology.
From the point of view of the nation and/or the state, nationalism is a good
thing, if it does not lead to the exclusion or even extreme extermination of
other nations (an example is not nationalism, but chauvinism in the form of the
Ukrainian UPA-OUN from the 1940s). Nationalism, especially modern one, is an
alternative to cosmopolitanism. Its primary task is to defend and protect what
is national and state, i.e. workplaces, industry, infrastructure,
telecommunications, etc. Nationalism also defends the culture and religion into
which it was implanted and which it continues to be a part of.
What came first – the nation or the state? This is an
almost eternal question in the history of the world. Most existing nations form
independent states. Their creation is associated with the rise of nationalist
sentiments in the 18th and 19th centuries, when the idea arose that each nation
should create an independent state. The mutual interaction between the state
and the nation can be described in two terms:
• nation-building role of the state - the young state,
through political, economic, and educational activities, leads to the
unification of various ethnic groups into one integrated nation. It may also
take place through territorial conquests of a given country [according to the
author of this article, this could be the case, but it did not have to be, but
in the original phase, in ancient times, this does not apply to the present
day]
• the state-forming role of the nation - the nation as
a social group strives, through specific actions, to create its own and
sovereign state [the most justified approach, which the author of this article
supports, as it applies to the present day].
So, in the author's opinion, first there was a nation,
i.e. a community of blood, language, religion, customs, history and land
(created from the merger of tribes that scientists today would call
"ethnic groups"). In the next stage of evolution, the expansion of
nations, there was a need to organize. This is how a state organism was
created, which was supposed to make it easier to manage this national community.
It is worth noting that a nation can exist without a state, live in a diaspora,
as was the case in history with the Jews after the destruction of the Jerusalem
temple in 70 A.D., until they lost their statehood for almost 2,000 years, or
with Poles who lived without their own state. for 123 years of partition. So,
it must be emphasized once again that a nation without a state will survive,
but a state without a nation will not survive, otherwise it will be just a
collection of random people. However, there is an exception - the United States
of America. However, this example is a social experiment on a global and
historical scale. Random people from different flags (although in the beginning
they were basically English) made a social contract among themselves and
created individual colonies. At some point in history, they decided on one of
the so-called "continental congresses" break with the British crown
and be bound by an agreement, de facto creating a new state body of a federal
nature - the United States of America. It should be added that it is not the
state that is superior to the nation, but quite the opposite, because the
nation is the sovereign. On the other hand, if we consider an entity superior
to the state in international relations, then there is no such entity. It is
worth emphasizing that to this day there is anarchy in inter-state relations,
i.e. a body supervising statehood has not yet been established. Any unions,
alliances, organizations, etc. are matters secondary to the state. This is not
commonly talked about in everyday use, but in studies and in books on
international relations it is one of the basic principles of these relations.
Characteristics of contemporary Polish nationalism
In Poland, nationalism has a pejorative meaning,
although this results from society's dilettantism on this topic, stereotypes,
and the campaign of the so-called "leftism". For years, society was
told that nationalism = nazism, and that nationalism is chauvinism. What a play
on words. Nationalism, chauvinism, and Nazism mean completely different things.
It should be emphasized that the nationalist attitude is not an autonomous and
complete ideology, but a set of principles that are or were adhered to by
various varieties of the right (National Democracy, Kemalism) and the left
(Jacobins, Khmer Rouge). Throughout history, there have been various types of
nationalisms, e.g. national conservatism, national liberalism, national
radicalism, as well as their wild, distorted forms, such as national socialism
(Nazism - Germany), fascism (Italy), national Bolshevism and national communism
(including. Russia, China). The literature on nationalism has established three
ways of interpreting chauvinism. Some authors identify it directly with
nationalism. Others see it as an extreme and degenerate form of nationalism,
which is graded from morally good, through morally neutral, to a morally bad
form - chauvinism. Still others distinguish it from nationalism, which they
connect with political doctrine, and identify chauvinism with the negative
emotional sphere [Tarasiewicz 2008].
Returning strictly to the essence of the topic,
nationalism, or rather its perversion, i.e. nazism, fascism, where the driving
force is the ubiquitous argument of the fist, and everything is subjected to
total power, without any control of any state organs, is unequivocally worthy
of only one - condemnation. Any nationalist deterioration (can't lack of faith
in God be the basis for such a situation?) is doomed to failure from the start,
as history teaches posterity. Therefore, being a nationalist should be
associated with the awareness of enormous responsibility before God, the
homeland and one's own nation, and perhaps above all, oneself. Those who have
the good of the nation and the state at heart and who are willing to devote
their entire lives to working for them (both physical and intellectual) should
be called a nationalist. The word "nationalist" should mean something
elitist [Kizwalter], but not identical with xenophobia, the image of which in
today's world has also been distorted (in the sense of elitism, but in the
sense of openness, anyone can become a nationalist). A nationalist is a person
who pays taxes in his homeland [Mazurek 2018], cares about the moral and social
order, knows where to throw away the garbage, but is also not afraid of what
others will say when he puts on a white and red shirt on his shoulder on a
major or minor national holiday, anniversary, or celebration. a patriotic
armband or sweatshirt with an eagle or will proudly hold the national flag
among crowds, with due reverence and respect. He is a wise and educated man.
The ideal is an intelligent person. Such a person should have a strong sense of
value, but without distortions such as narcissism, to be a model and an
authority for the nation to follow. Does the financial situation matter?
Definitely not. Both poor and rich people can be nationalists.
A nationalist is a realist [Ziemkiewicz 2012]
(idealism should be left to those who are still at the stage of childhood,
naivety, i.e. ideological socialists, communists, and platonic totalitarians).
Why should nationalism be focused on reality? Well, because people, live in the
real world, amidst both its challenges and threats.
When it comes to any other nations or the issue of
migration, first, the homeland should be for the nation that created it and
inhabits it in the vast majority. Then for everyone else who is willing and
able to work for her. However, the condition for this is complete assimilation
(according to the rules of the receiving country because the nation is the host
and the refugee, immigrant - the guest), and the creation of ghettos cannot
occur. Because any attempts at isolation may threaten national stability and
may break it. What is needed here is cooperation based on symbiosis, not
competition. All antagonisms should be eliminated at the grassroots level, so
that, for example, genocide will never occur in the future, as they have
already stained the history of many nations and states with blood. In addition,
any major differences that appear within the nation over time should be
eliminated so that they do not later grow to colossal proportions, as
far-reaching as separatism. Nationalism, or loyalty to the nation-state, is
treated as an atavistic experience. This is the result of the logic of the
liberal-left understanding of human "progress", with people as
interchangeable units linked by human rights defined according to liberal-left
anthropology. This includes, for example, transgender rights, reproductive
rights, and unlimited immigration. This is a form of egalitarianism, not only
for citizens in the state national, but for everyone. Such a globalist project
treats divisions according to nation states as arbitrary, rejecting patriotism
as discrimination against "others" [Bryk 2017].
War? One thing is for sure. The only war that has been
going on for a long time and will continue to this day is not a war of nations,
although an ideological one, between the nation (nation state), i.e.
nationalism, and the liberal, socialist world, i.e. cosmopolitanism. These are
two different worlds and worldviews, at opposite poles. the conflict of
nationalism and cosmopolitanism is the essence of European history [Lis 2021].
But what is this cosmopolitanism? The name comes from
the three Greek words cosmos (world), polis (city) and ismos (view) and is a
set of views that negate any divisions, both cultural, political and
territorial. Supporters of cosmopolitanism claim that their homeland is not a country
or another formalized area, but the entire world. Supporters of this ideology
strive for the political and social unity of the world, free from divisions and
conflicts, united into one universal community. The doctrine formulated in this
way is the opposite of both patriotism and nationalism. Already in ancient
Greece, Diogenes (the Cynic) said: "I am a citizen of the world"
[Prokop], this was supposed to be his answer to the question where his home
country was. Socrates was also said to have said similarly that he belonged not
to Athens or Greece, but to the world. Cosmopolitanism was later promoted by
the Stoics. Seneca the Younger wrote in a letter to Lucilius that the whole
world is his homeland (Latin: "patria mea totus hic mundus est")
[Kruczalak 2015]. Nowadays, cosmopolitanism is promoted by globalists, some
anarchists, but also communists and some new religious movements (New Age)
[Szafarz]. Opposite nationalism are also such deceptive "sciences"
as: anationalism, internationalism, anti-patriotism and, to some extent,
imperialism.
All nation states stand in a conflict of interests and
ideology regarding world unification, which must first take place at the
continental stage. There must be a mixing of people, and therefore of races,
languages, culture, and religions, so that there are no strong, compact, and
homogeneous nations. This is a war for existence, for vital interests, to be or
not to be. that is why Polish nationalists oppose migration, at least mass,
uncontrolled migration [Bartkiewicz 2019].
So, what about unions, alliances, and interstate
organizations? Of course, cooperation is yes, domination - no (as is the case
today in the European Union, where the strong rule - de facto, the duo of
Germany and France). Union, alliance yes, although based on cooperation of
free, independent, and sovereign states (e.g. according to the theory of Europe
of homelands by Robert Schumann or Charles de Gaulle, confederation, the
principle of subsidiarity, i.e. subsidiarity). Europe of homelands, Europe of
nations - one of the visions of the European Union, assuming economic relations
while maintaining the political independence of the united countries. The
distinctive feature of this concept was the emphasis on respect for state
sovereignty and the development of intergovernmental rather than supranational
cooperation [Góralski 2007]. This is the Europe that contemporary Polish nationalists
think about.
The question is – democracy or soft authoritarianism?
It depends. The choice in this matter is also to belong to the sovereign, i.e.
the nation itself. However, it seems that the system that is more favorable for
the nation in each historical period should be used. Cultural and religious
conditions must also be considered here. It is certainly not a beneficial and
right solution to impose democracy by force, e.g. on societies that are
mentally unprepared for it (for example, there are many Muslim countries where
there is a strong need for strong, strong-armed governments, but democracy has
not worked and will not work for a long time, e.g. Arab countries). It is worth
taking a brief look at the history of Polish nationalism. The national camp
claimed that the state should be strong in external relations, but
"weak" in terms of grass-roots social activity - activity towards the
neighborhood, parish, city, industry and corporate community - or towards the
broadly understood small homeland. Of course, we can discuss for a long time
and passionately whether after World War I and 123 years of partitions we were
ready to take on such a challenge - whether we as a nation were not too
disintegrated and the lands were too fragmented. An additional problem was
posed by strong national minorities, at least two of which (in their political
layer), German and Ukrainian, were interested in liquidating the state and had
developed tools for this purpose. In turn, the Jewish minority - closed to the
development needs of the folk layers of the Polish nation - became competitive
and anti-modernization for Poles, which in the conditions of economic crisis
gave rise to conflicts. But today, in 2012, it is the National Democrats'
vision of self-government that seems to me to be a particularly acceptable part
of this formation's heritage. The first generation of nationalists - Roman
Dmowski, Zygmunt Balicki, Jan Ludwik Popławski - undoubtedly also had
democratic sensibility. The first party representing the national camp,
established in 1897, was called the Democratic-National Party, not by accident.
This democratism arose from the need to build a modern nation, also
encompassing broadly understood folk classes. To this should be added Dmowski
and his colleagues' admiration for the West - and their experience of contact
with democracy in France and Great Britain. Nationalists had no doubt that
independent Poland would adopt a republican system [Żaryn 2019]. To sum up this
point, it should be said that Polish nationalism in its tradition, among its
"founding fathers", had a decidedly pro-democratic attitude (in most
of them, except perhaps the more radical Falanga). It should also be mentioned
that most nationalists are etatists when it comes to the state's position in
external relations and anti-etatists when it comes to internal relations. They
were supporters of strong self-government and grassroots organization. To this
day, it seems that most Polish nationalists follow the same path as they
“fathers”.
Rights of national minorities? Absolutely yes, but
only according to the principle of reciprocity and retaliation under public
international law. For example, in Germany there is a large Polish diaspora
deprived of the rights of a national minority. Poland, on the other hand, is
inhabited by a much smaller German community, which has a minority status. In
this context, it should be noted that the privilege given to the German
minority under Polish electoral law does not correspond to any comparable
privilege for Poles who are citizens of the Federal Republic of Germany.
Moreover, Poles - German citizens are not granted the status of a national
minority, and the German state pursues an assimilation policy towards them
[Sewastianowicz 2022]. Polish nationalism is consistent with what the UN Subcommittee
on Combating Discrimination and Protection of Minorities lists - three rules
underlying the regulation of minority problems:
1. a minority cannot demand special privileges or a
better status in society,
2. a minority may not exercise freedom of religion and
the right to its own cultural life in a way that violates the same rights of
others,
3. minority activities may not violate public order
[Paterek 2001].
Building your own power from the inside (a strong army
and force structures - but not for a police state, the police must finally
start playing the same role as it does in the West - auxiliary, not excessively
punitive). It's about socializing the police. Therefore, the demand of some
nationalists is for the police and other uniformed services to be placed under
civilian supervision. It is not about the supervision of the ministry,
parliament or a special unit of the police or the Internal Security Agency. It
would be like a thief being controlled by another thief to prevent him from
stealing. This is primarily about the supervision of people who, through
specific structures - local syndicates, could easily supervise the proper
performance of duties by the services. When these formations were handed over
to local governments, it was not particularly troublesome.
Units of such services would also be paid from
municipal budgets and their structure would be horizontal, i.e. it would be
based on a network of cooperation between equivalent units which, if necessary,
establish a common crisis team and nothing more. Specific units may use the
municipal criminological laboratory and specialized groups of officers. The
overarching principles would remain decentralism, localism, and social control.
It is equally important that specific officers relate
to the place where they serve and with the people for whom they do their work. So,
it's about the so-called "socialization" of uniformed services [Ćwik
2021]. Work at the grassroots (education, education and even once education of
the masses in the spirit of Polish national values, love for one's own nation
and homeland, culture, tradition, customs, and religion) and work organically
for the benefit of the entire nation, instead of placing laborious hopes in
alliances [Gloger 2017].
When it comes to hatred, whether racial, religious, or
otherwise, there can be no consent on the part of a nationalist. This should
categorically be included as a commandment in the nationalist's decalogue. The
main enemy - cosmopolitanism in the broad sense - cannot be obscured by minor
inter-national conflicts. You must not harass anyone or use violence in any
way. Respecting the views of others does not mean agreeing with them. Constructive
criticism encouraged. Nationalism should therefore be identified with a social
attitude which - due to its respect for the human person - may be positive or
negative. This belief is shared and justified by Stanisław Kowalczyk, who
claims that: "Positive nationalism, i.e. moderate and ethically
unquestionable, means pride in one's national origin, love of the homeland,
respect for one's history, development of national culture, etc. Such
nationalism may combine with the Christian idea of love for one's neighbour”
[Grott 1996]. In practice, the Christian (personalistic) version of nationalism
is the result of accepting the Christian worldview as one's own and being
guided by its principles (Christian ethics), which is tantamount to depriving a
given social or political structure of the status of an absolute being. A good
erist is one who throws arguments like aces up his sleeve and can keep his
emotions in check. Anti-globalism and euroscepticism (towards the EU in its
current form) should be an additional driving force for good nationalism.
Generally, nationalists postulate the construction of Europe based on Nations
which, within the framework of the politically, economically, and economically
independent state they have created, strive to develop their culture, and on
the international level, establish mutual relations based on voluntary
cooperation and bringing mutual benefit. At the same time, they contribute to
the largest natural human association, which is civilization. It is the Latin
Civilization that should unite Europe into a spiritual whole, because only in
this way will the independent functioning of its components, i.e. national
cultures, be preserved. The European Union is trying to unite Europe, but it
will not achieve it because it is filled with people from different
civilizations and cultural backgrounds. It is impossible to bring order where
there are people of different faith, ethics, or morals. The EU is just an
artificial creation that constitutes a foreign growth on the European body,
which inevitably leads to its death. [Trzecia Droga: Antyglobalizm]. The EU as
Europe of Homelands is the most common view of Polish nationalists when it
comes to this topic.
Capitalism or socialism? This also depends on
nationalists, who are not a homogeneous environment. As you can read in one of
the portals run by Polish nationalists: "As nationalists, we fight for the
good of the entire nation, not just individuals whose wealth is higher than
that of most members of the national community. We understand and respect their
contribution to the development of our country, but we cannot forget about the
employee wage earner, without whom our state and economy cannot function.
Nationalists should look for the best possible alternative to the capitalist
system, and not come to terms with it. The economic system in a country ruled
by nationalists should be based on the even economic development of the state
and, consequently, comes the well-being of society. We cannot allow capitalism
to continue to sow confusion and cancer on the body of the national idea. Our
goal is to liberate everyone from the yoke of the capitalist-liberal junta,
which seeks to deepen social stratification and sow subconscious hostility
towards a member of the same nation. National solidarism should be the basis of
our idea, and therefore should condition hostility towards its factors (i.e.
nation) hostile. Therefore, let us remember that only through joint work will
we achieve the development of our state and nation, and not through constant
speculation and distortion of facts about capitalism, which is supposedly the
only correct alternative” [Titz 2021]. Also, the radicalism of the Falanga
concept and the proposals for socio-political changes in the spirit of statism
and illiberalism brought this group ideologically closer to other organizations
that, like ONR, raised the demand for the reconstruction of the demoliberal
system. [Sawczak 2010]. According to the author of this work, it is certainly
not good for only one or the other to happen (capitalism vs. socialism). On the
one hand, capitalists are a narrow group of those who have money and invest it,
often taking advantage of the too low salaries of their own employees. On the
other hand, socialism is a kind of, which must be called by its name,
distribution of society's own money (from taxes), not necessarily fairly. A
nationalist can be either a moderate: a capitalist or a socialist, a liberal or
a conservative. Although it seems that in fact a large part of contemporary
Polish nationalists still seems to be anti-capitalists.
No one should be forced to adopt nationalism. This
will only discourage people. However, it needs to be shown and taught to
society, preferably by example, through everyday attitudes. Nationalism needs
to be matured. It cannot be achieved through revolution, only gradual
evolution, ripening like some fruit, is able to create in a person the feeling
of being a nationalist, a good nationalist. Therefore, one can become a
nationalist only through an independent and sovereign decision.
Nationalism must be distinguished from cosmopolitanism
and internationalism in everything that is good. Don't be aggressive, don't
impose yourself, conduct real dialogue, teach values. Nationalism is the basis
of what is national. Strictly the foundation of Polishness and Catholicism in
these lands and respect for history and tradition. That is why the general face
of nationalism is conservatism. Although, of course, there are different trends
within nationalist ideology, such as the mentioned conservative one, but also
the libertarian one. Some will also be more socialists, other capitalists.
Being a nationalist is not so much a theory as it is a practice.
Currently, an interesting phenomenon is nationalist
straight edge, which is particularly popular in post-Soviet countries, where
"the degree of social degeneration has reached a level exceeding that of
the countries of the rotten West" - as can be read in Dziennik
Narodowo-Radykalny Nacjonalista.pl. "In this way, a specific cultural
movement was created rejecting stimulants and promoting sports and a healthy
lifestyle. A few musical bands gathered around him, stylistically performing
various types of hardcore. All, of course, under the well-known and popular
symbol of the Celtic cross” [Płociński 2018].
The straight edge subculture is divided by various
divisions, but generally it is about limiting the use of stimulants. The
so-called hardline, i.e. sXe in its most radical and ecological form, goes much
further: it advocates the complete rejection of all psychoactive substances,
even tea, as well as veganism, the fight for animal rights and living in
harmony with nature. Additionally, which may surprise many in such a
juxtaposition, it condemns sexual promiscuity, abortion, homosexuality,
pornography, and masturbation - as inconsistent with the natural order of
things. It is therefore an ideology of physical and mental health and, at the
same time, restrictive morality.
Stormtroopers and radicals close to them, calling
themselves "autonomous nationalists", are the Polish version of a
movement that researchers of political thought are increasingly calling
"identitarians" (from the French: identitaire - identity). How to
reconcile different nations and their interests? Modern nationalism replaced
national egoism with the so-called ethnopluralism, which talks about respect
for other national identities and the right of each national community to
develop freely in its own country. But this "anti-chauvinism"
operates only within the framework of European civilization, or the white race.
Arkadiusz Meller believes that autonomous nationalists should not be associated
with the Polish national movement at all, because they are rather a European
socio-political movement. - We are dealing with a new quality that is the
result of nationalism, anarchist (left-wing) and subcultural elements.
Moreover, Polish "autonomous nationalists" distance themselves from
the native national organizations from the times of the Second Polish Republic,
considering these issues as "antiquarian" and incompatible with
modern times. They are more interested in the history of European nationalist
movements than native traditions - he told the Fronda.pl portal. Autonomists
themselves reject the archaic - as they claim - division into right and left
[Płociński 2018].
And ecology? The nationalist organization Radical
Południe from Bielsko-Biała boasts on its website of garbage collection
campaigns in the surrounding forests (as proof, it posts photos of stout
peasants in balaclavas posing among trees over bags full of garbage),
collections for shelters for homeless animals and a protest in Jaworzno to stop
the use of animals in circuses: "Let us not be convinced that nationalism
should be separated from ecology and care for the Earth. We are aware that
there are many much more important problems, yet caring for Nature remains an
important postulate. The action will certainly be repeated” [Płociński 2018].
Conclusions
The key elements of nationalist identity are therefore
based on negation and are built in opposition to the current socio-political
system. Components these confirm the strictly anti-modernist nature of the
movement, based on the concept homogeneity of the nation in opposition to
multicultural trends. Four of the five elements found in most curriculum texts,
again are consistent with anarchist concepts (although defined differently):
anti-globalization, anti-capitalism, anti-imperialism, opposition to the
European Union. A different element is the opposition to immigration.
References of nationalist circles to the concept of natural law, as fundamental
constitutive element of the nation, result from references to religious
rhetoric. Religious symbolism, strongly correlated with the conservative
worldview, is an integral element of nationalist identity. In fact, far-right
circles are not numerous, although they can mobilize ranks of people who are
not permanent participants in movements nationalistic. A small number does not
mean a weak influence on current social discourses. This is especially visible
in Poland, where ideological the war on the Polish right is polarizing the
conservative electorate, and nationalist circles are ennobled as models of
patriotism. It is also impossible not to notice correlation between extreme
right circles and football fan groups. Nationalist symbolism is a permanent
element of stadium reality [Pielużek 2012].
In fact, far-right circles are not numerous, although
they can mobilize ranks of people who are not permanent participants in
movements nationalistic. A small number does not mean a weak influence on
current social discourses. This is especially visible in Poland, where
ideological the war on the Polish right is polarizing the conservative
electorate, and nationalist circles are ennobled as models of patriotism. It is
also impossible not to notice correlation between extreme right circles and
football fan groups. Nationalist symbolism is a permanent element of stadium
reality. Polish nationalism, which refers to the tradition of the pre-war
National Democrats (Narodowa Demokracja), does not have a clear representation
in the Polish parliament in the form of a political party. Previously, the
League of Polish Families (Liga Polskich Rodzin), later the National Movement
(Ruch Narodowy), quickly left the political scene. Some members of the National
Movement joined the Confederation party (Konfederacja), which, however, is not
an anti-capitalist or national party in the strict sense. It is rather a party
that brings together people with various right-wing views, mainly on economic
issues, but also on ideological issues. Some politicians with nationalist
tendencies can also be seen in the party that was in power in Poland in
2005-2007 and then 2015-2023 - Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość). Thus,
nationalism in Poland is more manifested in organizations such as Młodzież
Wszechpolska, Falanga or Obóz Narodowo-Radykalny (ONR). Nationalism in Poland
has no real support for the country's fate. Therefore, now it does not
constitute any possible threat to democracy.
Moreover, if nationalism is as described in this
article, i.e. not against anyone, but while maintaining its own tradition,
culture, language, and overall identity, it will accept the European Union at
least as the Europe of Homelands, it will not deny rights to national
minorities, it will respected democracy and operated within its framework, it
will not be a problem and, according to the author, an added value in Polish
and European socio-political life.
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Piotr Żak -
born in 1990, MA in International Relations (Jagiellonian University) and MA in
American Studies (Jagiellonian University), both degrees obtained in 2014.
Research interests: history, diplomacy, public international law, and theology.
Planned PhD in social sciences, strictly international relations. In my free
time: traveling, nature photography, as well as running and cycling. Member of
the "Strzelec" Riflemen's Association. Equality, Freedom,
Independence. E-mail: piotr.z.1990@gmail.com ORCID iD: 0000-0002-9145-2816.
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